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BJP slams Congress for equating PM Narendra Modi with 'Masood, Osama, Dawood and ISI'

New Delhi: Hours after Congress spokesperson Pawan Khera said that 'MODI stands for Masood Azhar, Osama bin Laden, Dawood Ibrahim and ISI' the BJP hit back at the grand old party saying that India doesn't need enemies like Pakistan when it has …

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War is mad, isn’t Modi too?

Many in the world are portraying India and Pakistan at the moment as two nuclear antagonists perilously close to mutual assured destruction.
We’ll pick time, place to hit back, read newspaper headlines.That moment came within 24 hours. On Wednesday morning, Pakistan struck back.Not only Pakistan Air Force jets thundered over the Line of Control in Kashmir, they shot down chasing Indian planes. In response to PAF strikes IAF crossed [the] LOC.
PAF shot down two Indian aircraft inside Pakistani airspace. One of the aircrafts fell AJ&K while [the] other fell inside IOK.One Indian pilot arrested by troops on ground while two in the area, tweeted Pakistani Director General of the Inter Services Public Relations, Major General Asif Ghafoor.Millions upon millions of Pakistanis on social networking platforms sizzled the whole day rebuking their Indian counterparts, the Bollywood celebs, the Indian who’s who for prematurely jumping with joy on the fakery coined by the Modi administration to ramp up its dwindling electoral projections.
India had claimed of destroying a terror camp and some 250 terrorists training therein. Some dreams turnout to be uglier than nightmares.Powerful capitals, who are now universally known for rewarding India despite its abysmally criminal record of human rights violations in Kashmir and against its own minorities, woke up to ask Pakistan and India to exercise restraint. Strange that they were admonishing Islamabad only a day earlier asking it to put a stop to cross-border terrorism or to put an end to the activities of the terrorist groups established in its territory.Probably Washington DC, Paris, Bonn and Canberra found it hard to see their powerful South Asian proxy being slapped across the face by a smaller but nuclear-armed adversary. Images of the captured Wing Commander Abhinandan were enough for the Indian government to come crashing down from the high pole of psychedelic elation it was unnecessarily feeling for achieving something phantasmagoric only a day earlier.
Two substantial countries going to war has always been a dreamlike scenario for the runners of the western military industrial complex. Prospects of deals and contracts worth billions upon billion would make many a fool go mad.
The spectre of a nuclear confrontation, however, is too serious a business to be left to New Delhi or Islamabad. So phones started ringing.Ministers began speaking to counterparts lecturing how wonderful is peace as an idea between two itchy neighbours.One may criticise PM Khan for being an administrative novice or a political upstart but his words sense and sagacity — reminded many of Jane Austin’s Sense and Sensibility’.He may not be an astute politician or a statesman of note but he comes across as an honest human who earnestly desire peace and prosperity in the region. The difference between him and his Indian counterpart is stark.He is neither a killer of people nor has he allowed massacre of innocent humans. Modi had.During a court proceeding probing the Gujarat massacre of Indian Muslims in the summer of 2002, Sanjiv Bhatt, a senior Indian police officer told the Indian Supreme Court that he attended a meeting at which Modi allegedly said that Hindus should be allowed to vent their anger after the Godhra train tragedy killing 58 that his government tried to plaster over ISI-backed elements within India. Those allegations have since proven false and fabricated though Modi has always denied any wrongdoing.But international websites are full of implicating evidence that Modi had spoken to his goons a night before the riots that saw around 2,000 Indians dead and told them Muslims needed to be taught a lesson. Government estimates put the number of dead at 1,000.Hundreds of girls and women were raped and killed. International rage was genuine against Modi to an extent that he was denied a diplomatic visa by the United States and his already granted visit visa was revoked as well.Writing for the Guardian newspaper in Britain, Aditya Chakrabortty said in 2014; Narendra Modi, a man with a massacre on his hand is not the reasonable choice for India. Similar voices are being heard in India today.
While millions may be following him madly, many millions also believe that Modi is more dangerous than a declared terrorist, a hardcore fanatic or a frenzied fanatic.Only such a person would attempt to punish a state for the alleged felony of a group of individuals.Pakistani state or government did not attack India in Pulwama just like it was not involved in Uri or Mumbai. But madly wanting to emulate the post 9/11 United States, India thought it could cook up stories about Pakistan’s wrongdoing in Kashmir and elsewhere in India and attempt to punish it to please electoral audiences.
Dreaming about punishing Pakistan is one thing. Carrying out foolish plans is another.Pakistan is painstakingly setting its direction right. Mistakes it made for others have returned to haunt it with deadly effect.The best India could do is to mind its own business and leave Pakistan alone to correct course.The best that Indians could do for themselves is to get rid of the madman of Indian politics Narendra Modi, before he attempts to push South Asia and adjoining regions into a nuclear winter.Pakistan protested strongly but warned sternly that the aggression would be revenged. “We’ll pick time, place to hit back,” read newspaper headlines.
That moment came within 24 hours. On Wednesday morning, Pakistan struck back.Not only Pakistan Air Force jets thundered over the Line of Control in Kashmir, they shot down chasing Indian planes. “In response to PAF strikes IAF crossed [the] LOC.PAF shot down two Indian aircraft inside Pakistani airspace. One of the aircrafts fell AJ&K while [the] other fell inside IOK.One Indian pilot arrested by troops on ground while two in the area”, tweeted Pakistani Director General of the Inter Services Public Relations, Major General Asif Ghafoor.Millions upon millions of Pakistanis on social networking platforms sizzled the whole day rebuking their Indian counterparts, the Bollywood celebs, the Indian who’s who for prematurely jumping with joy on the fakery coined by the Modi administration to ramp up its dwindling electoral projections.
India had claimed of destroying a terror camp and some 250 terrorists training therein. Some dreams turnout to be uglier than nightmares.Powerful capitals, who are now universally known for rewarding India despite its abysmally criminal record of human rights violations in Kashmir and against its own minorities, woke up to ask Pakistan and India to exercise restraint. Strange that they were admonishing Islamabad only a day earlier asking it “to put a stop to cross-border terrorism” or “to put an end to the activities of the terrorist groups established in its territory.”Probably Washington DC, Paris, Bonn and Canberra found it hard to see their “powerful” South Asian proxy being slapped across the face by a smaller but nuclear-armed adversary. Images of the captured Wing Commander Abhinandan were enough for the Indian government to come crashing down from the high pole of psychedelic elation it was unnecessarily feeling for achieving something phantasmagoric only a day earlier.Two substantial countries going to war has always been a dreamlike scenario for the runners of the western military industrial complex. Prospects of deals and contracts worth billions upon billion would make many a fool go mad.
The spectre of a nuclear confrontation, however, is too serious a business to be left to New Delhi or Islamabad. So phones started ringing.
Ministers began speaking to counterparts lecturing how wonderful is peace as an idea between two itchy neighbours.One may criticise PM Khan for being an administrative novice or a political upstart but his words – sense and sagacity reminded many of Jane Austin’s ‘Sense and Sensibility’.
He may not be an astute politician or a statesman of note but he comes across as an honest human who earnestly desire peace and prosperity in the region. The difference between him and his Indian counterpart is stark.He is neither a killer of people nor has he allowed massacre of innocent humans. Modi had.During a court proceeding probing the Gujarat massacre of Indian Muslims in the summer of 2002, Sanjiv Bhatt, a senior Indian police officer told the Indian Supreme Court that he attended a meeting at which Modi allegedly said that Hindus should be allowed to vent their anger  after the Godhra train tragedy killing 58 that his government tried to plaster over ISI-backed elements within India. Those allegations have since proven false and fabricated though Modi has always denied any wrongdoing.
But international websites are full of implicating evidence that Modi had spoken to his goons a night before the riots that saw around 2,000 Indians dead and told them “Muslims needed to be taught a lesson”. Government estimates put the number of dead at 1,000.Hundreds of girls and women were raped and killed. International rage was genuine against Modi to an extent that he was denied a diplomatic visa by the United States and his already granted visit visa was revoked as well.
Writing for the Guardian newspaper in Britain, Aditya Chakrabortty said in 2014; “Narendra Modi, a man with a massacre on his hand is not the reasonable choice for India.” Similar voices are being heard in India today.
While millions may be following him madly, many millions also believe that Modi is more dangerous than a declared terrorist, a hardcore fanatic or a frenzied fanatic.Only such a person would attempt to punish a state for the alleged felony of a group of individuals.
Pakistani state or government did not attack India in Pulwama just like it was not involved in Uri or Mumbai. But madly wanting to emulate the post 9/11 United States, India thought it could cook up stories about Pakistan’s wrongdoing in Kashmir and elsewhere in India and attempt to punish it to please electoral audiences.Dreaming about punishing Pakistan is one thing. Carrying out foolish plans is another.Pakistan is painstakingly setting its direction right. Mistakes it made for others have returned to haunt it with deadly effect.The best India could do is to mind its own business and leave Pakistan alone to correct course.The best that Indians could do for themselves is to get rid of the madman of Indian politics – Narendra Modi, before he attempts to push South Asia and adjoining regions into a nuclear winter.

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Adil Ahmed Dar, a lethal example of how Imran Khan’s softness has allowed Jaish-e-Mohammad to embrace global jihad

His testament could have been just another teenager’s Instagram holiday video, complete with tasteless graphics, low-grade mood-music, and the faux-machismo of the B-grade Bollywood potboiler. “It has taken a year of waiting, and god’s blessings, to get to this point. By the time you get this message, I’ll be frolicking in paradise”. Except that Adil Ahmed Dar was telling the story of how he was going to kill, and die.

File image of Masood Azhar. Reuters
File image of Masood Azhar. Reuters
Thursday’s car bombing isn’t significant because it’s the first suicide bombing by an ethnic Kashmiri: 17-year-old Afaq Ahmed Shah, the quiet introverted son of a Srinagar school teacher, blew himself up outside the XV Corps headquarters in 2000. Nor is the scale of the carnage unprecedented: in 2001, 34 were killed in a car-bomb attack on Kashmir’s Assembly.

Thursday’s attack—the most lethal in the state since September, 2016, when 19 Indian Army soldiers were killed at Uri—still tells us something important. The Jaish-e-Mohammad, the consistent author of the most spectacular terrorist attacks in Kashmir, has shaken off the shackles placed on it by prime minister Nawaz Sharif’s government in Pakistan. This sunrise will have consequences in Kashmir, and beyond.

For Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the strike is a stern test: will he, elections ahead, retaliate across the Line of Control, as he ordered the army to do after Uri, or hold his fire since the attacker is an Indian national?

From Ahmed’s testament, we know how the village boy from Kakapora, in central Kashmir’s Pulwama district, understood his war. “The time is not far,” he proclaims, “when the azaan will sound again from the towers of the Babri Masjid. The more you oppress us, the more lions will rise across India to wage jihad against you.” He vows “a terrible vengeance”: “you drinkers of cow urine cannot resist our wrath.”

To other young people in Kashmir, too, Ahmed had a similar message. “Your enemy is not just the enemy of Kashmir’s freedom,” he declaimed, “but of your faith itself. They want to deprive you of Islam, and seduce you into a life of vulgarity and worldliness.”

Behind the words lie a lethal reality: for months now, the Jaish has been blossoming in Prime Minister Imran Khan’s not-so-naya Pakistan, systematically expanding its infrastructure and capabilities.

Last summer, Firstpost had broken news that the Jaish-e-Mohammad was building a new training complex on Bahawalpur’s fringes, adding to its existing headquarters in the city. The terror group’s house-magazine, al-Qalam, described rallies it was holding across rural Punjab (in Pakistan) and asking for donations of ushr (religious tithes) from farmers.

In one typical report, al-Qalam quoted a leader identified as “Maulana Ammar” speaking at a mosque in Pattoki, not far from Nawaz Sharif’s home town of Raiwind, seeking donations because “jihad was a mandate of the Shari’a”.

The story was much the same in 2016, when the Jaish struck at the Indian Air Force’s base in Pathankot. Former prime minister Sharif had shied away from confrontation with the Jaish, knowing it had powerful patrons in the Pakistan Army. In 2016, a videotape surfaced showing young men collecting funds in Karachi, for “the brave young men of the Jaish-e-Mohammed who are fighting for the victory of the name of god and Islam”—this even though the terrorist group is proscribed by Pakistan’s own laws.

Earlier that year, Jaish attackers had struck at the Indian diplomatic mission in Mazhar-e-Sharif, Afghanistan, leaving a message written in blood: “revenge for Afzal Guru” — the terrorist hanged for his role in attacking the Parliament House in 2001.

But, faced with the prospect of an India-Pakistan crisis after Pathankot, Sharif moved against the Jaish, publicly accepting its complicity. He also ordered the arrest of Masood Azhar. The army, however, stepped in to ensure that Azhar was only detained at an Inter-Services Intelligence-run safehouse in Islamabad.

From house arrest, Jaish chief Masood Azhar railed against Sharif. “The rulers of our country are sad that we have disturbed their friends,” Azhar wrote. “They wish to arise on the Day of Judgment to be judged as friends of (Prime Minister Narendra (Modi) and (former Prime Minister) Atal Bihari Vajpayee.”

In another article, Azhar described Nawaz Sharif as a “traitor”, “even worse than (General) Pervez Musharraf and Asif Ali Zardari”. He concluded: “Pakistan’s rulers have reduced their own country into a heap of ashes. Every single one of them comes, spreads fire and then escapes abroad.”

Last year’s Pakistan elections saw the Jaish throw its weight behind Prime Minister Khan—cheered on by the Pakistan Army. “Choose the party that is pious and reject the corrupt,” wrote Talha Saif, one of Masood Azhar’s brothers. “Pick a party that rejects fohashani [vulgarity] and uriyani [nudity].”

The sentiments—even the exact words—figure in Ahmed’s suicide video.

Prime Minister Modi’s Uri strikes—of far more limited military value than Bollywood might have led people to believe—were in fact mainly intended to send a message. Pakistan’s army had persuaded itself that India would not strike across the Line of Control, for fear of sparking a cycle of escalation that would lead to a costly war. India’s focus on economic growth, and Pakistan’s nuclear weapons, were seen in Islamabad as a shield, guarding against the consequences of terrorism.

The cross-Line of Control strikes questioned that assumption, making clear that, push come to shove, India was willing to throw its military dice in the air, and gamble on where they might land.

Even though the Jaish’s army backers had succeeded in sabotaging prime minister Sharif’s efforts to rein it in—an investigation against the group went nowhere, even though Pakistan was given precise names and phone numbers for suspects—the group thus operated very softly.

Following Khan’s rise, though, the Jaish became increasingly defiant. “Flags of the jihad are flying on every street-corner in Kashmir, and we are victorious in Afghanistan,” Masood Azhar wrote in one article last year “Prepare yourself to be Muslim who practices his faith with the mujahideen”.

At around the same time, we know would-be suicide bomber Adil Ahmed had joined the Jaish—and the process of grooming him for his mission had begun.

In 2018, the Jaish stepped up the tempo again, hitting military targets across Kashmir—a campaign that culminated its strike on an army camp in Jammu.

“To Delhi, O’ Hindus, the army of the Prophet will soon return,” reads a giant mural over the entrance of the Jaish-e-Muhammad’s headquarters at Bahawalpur. Inside the building, there is a swimming pool, stables, training grounds and accommodation for hundreds of students. “The life of nations depends on martyrs,” Masood Azhar wrote in the Fathul Jawwad, his disquisition on the Quran. “The national fields can be irrigated only with the blood of the best hearts and minds.”

For many young people, groups like the Islamic State and the Al Qaeda offer a template for liberation, not the failed religious nationalism of groups like the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen. This youth cohort, fired by global jihadism, offers an unprecedented opportunity for the Jaish.

From the hijacking of Indian Airlines flight IC814 to the Parliament House attack, the Jaish has shown it means business. For New Delhi, there are no easy options.

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From 0 in 2016 to 60 in 2019: Jaish went from dormant to deadly in 3 years

Srinagar, Feb 15: The Jaish-e-Mohamamad on Thursday carried out one of the most lethal strikes in Jammu and Kashmir, in which nearly 44 CRPF jawans were martyred.
Jawans carry a victim after militants attacked a CRPF convoy in Goripora area of Awantipora town in Pulwama district.
Security officials have always warned that the Jaish is the deadliest terror group in the Valley and poses the highest threat due to the kind of attacks it can carry out. Ironically this group has grown leaps and bounds over the past couple of years.From being dormant, the Jaish has become the most dreaded groups in the Valley over the years.Also Read | Pulwama suicide attack: Both IB and police had warned of Jaish led strike Currently the Jaish has a terrorist strength of over 60 in the Valley.It has also created suicide and sniper squads in the Valley.The security forces say that while the Hizbul Mujahideen and Lashkar-e-Tayiba have been dented largely, the Jaish on the other hand has become deadlier.
The terror group did not have a single terrorist in the Valley in 2016. However in the past three years, it has managed to grow in terms of strength and numbers in the Valley.The Jaish headed by Maulana Masood Azhar was founded in 2000. However after making a deadly start in the Valley, it had become dormant for long.
It is since the Pathankot attack that we have begun to witness that the group has been raising its ugly head once again.The group may not have the numbers that the Hizbul Mujahideen has, but it is more deadly than another terror group in the Valley.If one were to do a comparison of the numbers, the Hizbul has anything between 200 to 300 operatives in comparison to 40 to 60 that the Jaish has.Now, what makes the Jaish so lethal? First and foremost, these terrorists are highly trained and have state of the art weapons.The M4 Carbine was first brought into the Valley by this group. The other factor is that the group puts in place a plan before staging an attack.It undergoes the entire process of recruitment, training, reconnaissance and then carrying out an attack.The Hizbul Mujahideen on the other hand shows its dominance through its numbers.
Most of their terrorists are untrained and do not have powerful weapons. The recent plea by the Hizbul Mujahideen commander through a video message complaining about the lack of weapons or outdated ones is a clear indicator of what the strength of the outfit is.An Intelligence Bureau official explains to OneIndia that the Hizbul was a fading outfit, brought back to life by a social media campaign by slain commander of the outfit, Burhan Wani. This went on to become a fad and their presence became restricted largely to the social media through which they indulged in propaganda.The Jaish on the other hand which is nurtured by the Pakistan army and ISI has grown in terms of strength. Pakistan has been investing more into this group and with a free flow of funds and access to the best possible weaponry has gone on to become extremely lethal.Moreover the Jaish focuses on big operations and attacks at Nagrota and Pathankot are proof of this.Also Read | Jaish bomber released a chilling video before striking at PulwamaOver the past couple of months, several local youth have been making a beeline towards this outfit.The Jaish, however uses only its Pakistani terrorists in big attacks. The locals are tasked with gathering information and logistics, security officials say.The choice of Pakistani terrorists for major attacks is due to the fact that they are highly trained. These terrorists undergo extensive training before they are launched into the Valley, officials also say.Officials also admit that the encounters with the Jaish terrorists especially those from Pakistan are the hardest. Firstly they are highly trained, secondly they have sophisticated weapons and more importantly they are ready to die.
They plan only in terms of fidayeen attacks and this makes the encounters difficult the officer added

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