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Posts tagged as Indian Armed Forces

Pulwama Attacks – Lata Mangeshkar to make a donation worth Rs. 1 crore to the Indian Army

The Pulwama attacks has brought together celebrities and citizens who not only grieved together but are also quite happy with the way India avenged it with Surgical Strike 2.0 yesterday.
1 crore to the Indian Army”>Pulwama Attacks – Lata Mangeshkar to make a donation worth Rs.1 crore to the Indian ArmyPulwama Attacks – Lata Mangeshkar to make a donation worth Rs. 1 crore to the Indian Army Bollywood Hungama News Network  By Bollywood Hungama News NetworkFeb 27, 2019 – 10:19 am IST When the news of this terror attack spread like wildfire earlier this month, many celebrities also came forward to make extensive donations to the Indian Army.
And now reports have it that the nightingale of India, Lata Mangeshkar has come forward to make a wholehearted donation of Rs. 1 crore to the Indian Army.If reports are to be believed, Lata Mangeshkar has spoken to the media about making the donation of Rs. 1 crore to the Indian Army on the occasion of her father Deenanath Mangeshkars death anniversary which falls on April 24.
Not just that, we hear that the veteran singer has also urged her fans to participate in this good deed by asking them to send donations to the Indian Army instead of spending it on her gifts for her birthday.Lata Mangeshkar, who is known for singing some of the most iconic patriotic songs like ‘Ae Mere Watan Ke Logon, also expressed grief on her official handle.
In her tweet, she not only firmly condemned the terror attack in Pulwama but she also expressed her condolences to the families of the martyred.जम्मू-कश्मीर के पुलवामा में हुए आतंकी हमले की मैं कड़ी निंदा करती हूँ.
इस हमले में जो हमारे वीर जवान शहीद हुए है उनको मैं श्रद्धांजली अर्पित करती हूँ. इन सभी वीरों के परिवारों के दुःख में मैं शामिल हूँ.
February 15, 2019In the past too, many superstars like Amitabh Bachchan, Aamir Khan, Salman Khan etc. expressed their condolences  on social media and have also made extensive contributions to the Bharat Ke Veer Foundation which aims at distributing the money to the family of the martyrs.By now, readers would be aware that the Pulwama attacks had a suicide bomber ramming his vehicle on a security convoy carrying over 40 CRPF officials. Followed by the attack, Indian Air Force attacked a terrorist camp at Pakistan border to avenge the death of its CRPF personnel.

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We are kind and humble, not weak: Indian Army quotes Dinkar’s legendary poem in a quiet acknowledgement of …

The Indian Armed forces took Pakistan by a surprise in the wee hours of the morning by crossing the Line of Control and breaching the Pakistani airspace.Twelve Mirage 2000 fighter jets struck and destroyed terror camps by dropping 1000 kg payloads each across the Line of Control.
क्षमाशील हो रिपु-समक्षसन्धि-वचन संपूज्य उसी का जिसमें शक्ति विजय की #IndianArmy#AlwaysReadypic.twitter.com/bUV1DmeNkLFebruary 26, 2019 – Article resumes – In these few words, quoted from the famous poem Shakti Aur Kshyama (Power and Forgiveness) written by Ram Dhari Singh Dinkar explaining forgiveness, tolerance, and power, the Indian Army has tried to convey:क्षमाशील हो ॠपु-समक्ष तुम हुये विनीत जितना ही दुष्ट कौरवों ने तुमको कायर समझा उतना ही, meaning The more forgiving you were in your humane compassion, the more these rouge Kauravas will peg you as a coward.सच पूछो तो शर में ही बसती है दीप्ति विनय की, संधिवचन सम्पूज्य उसीका जिसमे शक्ति विजय की, meaning Truth be told, it’s in the arrow that holds the gleam of humility.
Only his peace-talk is reputable who is capable of victory.The message has gone out today from the Indian Armed forces to everyone, who tries to mess with India, that the Indian Army is standing undeterred, ready to pay back in the same coin.To avenge the ghastly Pulwama attack the Indian Armed forces went into the Pakistan territory, demolished the targets assigned and spread panic in Pakistan soil.Today Pakistan has been answered for its treachery.
They have been left shamed and unmasked. India has been able to exact a heavy toll on Pakistan.If India dropped payload in Balakot as claimed by Pakistan, then India did not merely cross the LOC. The Indian Armed Force went farther than Pakistan Occupied Kashmir and attacked Pakistani territory.
Reports have emerged which say that the IAF has destroyed Control rooms and launch pads of Jaish-e-Muhammad in Balakot, Muzaffarabad, and Chakothi.The Indian Government has just released a statement saying that the Indian strike was against terrorists on their camps located deep in forests, away from the civilian population.

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Adil Ahmed Dar, a lethal example of how Imran Khan’s softness has allowed Jaish-e-Mohammad to embrace global jihad

His testament could have been just another teenager’s Instagram holiday video, complete with tasteless graphics, low-grade mood-music, and the faux-machismo of the B-grade Bollywood potboiler. “It has taken a year of waiting, and god’s blessings, to get to this point. By the time you get this message, I’ll be frolicking in paradise”. Except that Adil Ahmed Dar was telling the story of how he was going to kill, and die.

File image of Masood Azhar. Reuters
File image of Masood Azhar. Reuters
Thursday’s car bombing isn’t significant because it’s the first suicide bombing by an ethnic Kashmiri: 17-year-old Afaq Ahmed Shah, the quiet introverted son of a Srinagar school teacher, blew himself up outside the XV Corps headquarters in 2000. Nor is the scale of the carnage unprecedented: in 2001, 34 were killed in a car-bomb attack on Kashmir’s Assembly.

Thursday’s attack—the most lethal in the state since September, 2016, when 19 Indian Army soldiers were killed at Uri—still tells us something important. The Jaish-e-Mohammad, the consistent author of the most spectacular terrorist attacks in Kashmir, has shaken off the shackles placed on it by prime minister Nawaz Sharif’s government in Pakistan. This sunrise will have consequences in Kashmir, and beyond.

For Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the strike is a stern test: will he, elections ahead, retaliate across the Line of Control, as he ordered the army to do after Uri, or hold his fire since the attacker is an Indian national?

From Ahmed’s testament, we know how the village boy from Kakapora, in central Kashmir’s Pulwama district, understood his war. “The time is not far,” he proclaims, “when the azaan will sound again from the towers of the Babri Masjid. The more you oppress us, the more lions will rise across India to wage jihad against you.” He vows “a terrible vengeance”: “you drinkers of cow urine cannot resist our wrath.”

To other young people in Kashmir, too, Ahmed had a similar message. “Your enemy is not just the enemy of Kashmir’s freedom,” he declaimed, “but of your faith itself. They want to deprive you of Islam, and seduce you into a life of vulgarity and worldliness.”

Behind the words lie a lethal reality: for months now, the Jaish has been blossoming in Prime Minister Imran Khan’s not-so-naya Pakistan, systematically expanding its infrastructure and capabilities.

Last summer, Firstpost had broken news that the Jaish-e-Mohammad was building a new training complex on Bahawalpur’s fringes, adding to its existing headquarters in the city. The terror group’s house-magazine, al-Qalam, described rallies it was holding across rural Punjab (in Pakistan) and asking for donations of ushr (religious tithes) from farmers.

In one typical report, al-Qalam quoted a leader identified as “Maulana Ammar” speaking at a mosque in Pattoki, not far from Nawaz Sharif’s home town of Raiwind, seeking donations because “jihad was a mandate of the Shari’a”.

The story was much the same in 2016, when the Jaish struck at the Indian Air Force’s base in Pathankot. Former prime minister Sharif had shied away from confrontation with the Jaish, knowing it had powerful patrons in the Pakistan Army. In 2016, a videotape surfaced showing young men collecting funds in Karachi, for “the brave young men of the Jaish-e-Mohammed who are fighting for the victory of the name of god and Islam”—this even though the terrorist group is proscribed by Pakistan’s own laws.

Earlier that year, Jaish attackers had struck at the Indian diplomatic mission in Mazhar-e-Sharif, Afghanistan, leaving a message written in blood: “revenge for Afzal Guru” — the terrorist hanged for his role in attacking the Parliament House in 2001.

But, faced with the prospect of an India-Pakistan crisis after Pathankot, Sharif moved against the Jaish, publicly accepting its complicity. He also ordered the arrest of Masood Azhar. The army, however, stepped in to ensure that Azhar was only detained at an Inter-Services Intelligence-run safehouse in Islamabad.

From house arrest, Jaish chief Masood Azhar railed against Sharif. “The rulers of our country are sad that we have disturbed their friends,” Azhar wrote. “They wish to arise on the Day of Judgment to be judged as friends of (Prime Minister Narendra (Modi) and (former Prime Minister) Atal Bihari Vajpayee.”

In another article, Azhar described Nawaz Sharif as a “traitor”, “even worse than (General) Pervez Musharraf and Asif Ali Zardari”. He concluded: “Pakistan’s rulers have reduced their own country into a heap of ashes. Every single one of them comes, spreads fire and then escapes abroad.”

Last year’s Pakistan elections saw the Jaish throw its weight behind Prime Minister Khan—cheered on by the Pakistan Army. “Choose the party that is pious and reject the corrupt,” wrote Talha Saif, one of Masood Azhar’s brothers. “Pick a party that rejects fohashani [vulgarity] and uriyani [nudity].”

The sentiments—even the exact words—figure in Ahmed’s suicide video.

Prime Minister Modi’s Uri strikes—of far more limited military value than Bollywood might have led people to believe—were in fact mainly intended to send a message. Pakistan’s army had persuaded itself that India would not strike across the Line of Control, for fear of sparking a cycle of escalation that would lead to a costly war. India’s focus on economic growth, and Pakistan’s nuclear weapons, were seen in Islamabad as a shield, guarding against the consequences of terrorism.

The cross-Line of Control strikes questioned that assumption, making clear that, push come to shove, India was willing to throw its military dice in the air, and gamble on where they might land.

Even though the Jaish’s army backers had succeeded in sabotaging prime minister Sharif’s efforts to rein it in—an investigation against the group went nowhere, even though Pakistan was given precise names and phone numbers for suspects—the group thus operated very softly.

Following Khan’s rise, though, the Jaish became increasingly defiant. “Flags of the jihad are flying on every street-corner in Kashmir, and we are victorious in Afghanistan,” Masood Azhar wrote in one article last year “Prepare yourself to be Muslim who practices his faith with the mujahideen”.

At around the same time, we know would-be suicide bomber Adil Ahmed had joined the Jaish—and the process of grooming him for his mission had begun.

In 2018, the Jaish stepped up the tempo again, hitting military targets across Kashmir—a campaign that culminated its strike on an army camp in Jammu.

“To Delhi, O’ Hindus, the army of the Prophet will soon return,” reads a giant mural over the entrance of the Jaish-e-Muhammad’s headquarters at Bahawalpur. Inside the building, there is a swimming pool, stables, training grounds and accommodation for hundreds of students. “The life of nations depends on martyrs,” Masood Azhar wrote in the Fathul Jawwad, his disquisition on the Quran. “The national fields can be irrigated only with the blood of the best hearts and minds.”

For many young people, groups like the Islamic State and the Al Qaeda offer a template for liberation, not the failed religious nationalism of groups like the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen. This youth cohort, fired by global jihadism, offers an unprecedented opportunity for the Jaish.

From the hijacking of Indian Airlines flight IC814 to the Parliament House attack, the Jaish has shown it means business. For New Delhi, there are no easy options.

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